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Ever since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Moldova has been popping up in the news with increasing frequency.
The Republic of Moldova is a small country on Ukraine's southwestern border, and in the spring of 2022, it seemed possible that Russia might also invade and occupy it.
This would have opened up a second front for Ukraine and brought Russia right up to the southeastern border of both the EU and NATO.
Since then, politicians in Germany and Europe have been paying more attention to Moldova than ever before.
In a show of solidarity, the EU granted both Ukraine and Moldova candidate country status in June 2022. Several European countries, above all Germany, provide Moldova with military support.
Moldova celebrates the 34th anniversary of its independence on August 27.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, French President Emmanuel Macron and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk will be there to mark the occasion in what is a historic gesture and show of support.
Here's what you need to know about Moldova.
When did Moldova become an independent state?
Most of the territory that makes up the Republic of Moldova — the area between the Rivers Dniester and Prut — used to belong to what was known as the Principality of Moldavia.
Russia annexed part of the principality (Bessarabia) in 1812 and it remained part of the Russian Empire until 1917.
In late 1917, the Moldavian Democratic Republic declared its independence from Russia. A year later it entered a union with the Kingdom of Romania.
After the Hitler-Stalin Pact, Stalin annexed the territory again in 1940 and turned it — together with parts of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic east of the River Dniester — into a new Soviet Republic.
This republic declared its independence from the Soviet Union on August 27, 1991, creating the Republic of Moldova we know today.
Which ethnic groups live in Moldova?
About three-quarters of the 2.9 million people who live in the Republic of Moldova (including Transnistria) are Moldovan.
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The rivers of Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab, which connect India and Pakistan, have for months been the focal point of a slow-moving but embittered dispute between the two rivals.
Following a deadly attack on tourists in India-administered Kashmir in April, India announced that a landmark water sharing agreement with Pakistan would "be held in abeyance with immediate effect, until Pakistan credibly and irrevocably abjures its support for cross-border terrorism."
New Delhi seemed to double down on this position even after the clashes with Pakistan ended in May. In a major speech earlier this month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that "blood and water will not flow together."
It is important to note, however, that India's suspension of the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) remains theoretical. All available reports indicate India took no concrete action to restrict the water flow into Pakistan, which would have major consequences for Pakistani farms and powerplants. Islamabad has also warned that such restrictions would be seen as "an act of war."
India questions court jurisdiction, legitimacy
The Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) has recently ruled on how key parts of the IWT should be interpreted, generally directing India to "let flow" the rivers for Pakistan's unrestricted use, except under specifically defined circumstances.
But India dismissed the court's stance, issued in a "supplemental award," as irrelevant.
"India has never accepted the legality, legitimacy, or competence of the so-called Court of Arbitration. Its pronouncements are therefore without jurisdiction, devoid of legal standing, and have no bearing on India's rights of utilisation of waters," said Foreign Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal.
"India also categorically rejects Pakistan's selective and misleading references" to the court's opinion, added Jaiswal.
Progress 'unlikely anytime soon'
Foreign policy experts and academics told DW that India and Pakistan appeared locked in a stalemate as their diplomatic channels are frozen.
India threatens to cut off water supply to Pakistan
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Uttam Kumar Sinha, a senior fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies, said the dispute could escalate into a "broader Asian hydro-politics axis."
"Pakistan will internationalize the award, using it in forums from the UN to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to highlight its water insecurity. India, meanwhile, will insist the award has no bearing on its sovereignty and will press ahead with its hydropower and irrigation infrastructure on the western rivers," Sinha said.
Sinha, who is also the author of "Trial by Water" that examines the geopolitics of water sharing in the Indus Basin, pointed out that actual alliances over dams and grids may matter more than rulings in The Hague.
"With courts sidelined and the IWT in abeyance, technical fixes outside legal forums are the only fallback. Yet, without political normalization, progress remains unlikely anytime soon," he added.
"But more importantly, Pakistan needs to create an atmosphere free of cross-border terrorism and demonstrate, with credible evidence, that such activities have been effectively curbed," he said.
India could develop new tools to increase pressure on Pakistan
Ajay Bisaria, a former high commissioner to Pakistan, believes India will seek to put further pressure on Pakistan in the coming years.
"In the next five years, India may go in for an accelerated development program to add canals and storage on the western rivers to have stronger leverage on Pakistan," Bisaria told DW.
India threatens to dry out Pakistan